
'Perhaps she remembers her great-great
grandmother who wanted to protest but only rolled her eyes and willed herself
not to scream when the white man mounted her from behind.' --Andrea Williams
The portrayal of Black women as lascivious by nature is an enduring
stereotype. The descriptive words associated with this stereotype are singular
in their focus: seductive, alluring, worldly, beguiling, tempting, and lewd.
Historically, White women, as a category, were portrayed as models of
self-respect, self-control, and modesty – even sexual purity, but Black women
were often portrayed as innately promiscuous, even predatory. This depiction of
Black women is signified by the name Jezebel. K. Sue Jewell, a contemporary
sociologist, conceptualized the Jezebel as a tragic mulatto – "thin lips, long
straight hair, slender nose, thin figure and fair complexion." This
conceptualization is too narrow. It is true that the "tragic mulatto" and
"Jezebel" share the reputation of being sexually seductive, and both are
antithetical to the desexualized "Mammy" caricature; nevertheless, it is a
mistake to assume that only, or even mainly, fair-complexioned Black women were
sexually objectified by the larger American society. From the early 1630s to the
present, Black American women of all shades have been portrayed as hypersexual
"bad-black-girls."
Jewell's conceptualization is based on a kernel of
historical truth. Many of the slavery-era Blacks sold into prostitution were
mulattoes. Also, freeborn light-skinned Black women sometimes became the willing
concubines of wealthy White southerners. This system, called placage, involved a
formal arrangement for the White suitor/customer to financially support the
Black woman and her children in exchange for her long-term sexual services. The
White men often met the Black women at "Quadroon Balls," a genteel sex
market.
The belief that Blacks are sexually lewd predates the institution of
slavery in America. European travelers to Africa found scantily clad natives.
This semi nudity was misinterpreted as lewdness. White Europeans, locked into
the racial ethnocentrism of the 17th century, saw African polygamy and tribal
dances as proof of the African's uncontrolled sexual lust. Europeans were
fascinated by African sexuality. William Bosman described the Black women on the
coast of Guinea as "fiery" and "warm" and "so much hotter than the men."
William Smith described African women as "hot constitution'd Ladies" who
"are continually contriving stratagems how to gain a lover." The genesis of
anti-Black sexual arch types emerged from the writings of these and other
Europeans: the Black male as brute and potential rapist; the Black woman, as
Jezebel whore. The Jezebel stereotype was used during slavery as a
rationalization for sexual relations between White men and Black women,
especially sexual unions involving slavers and slaves. The Jezebel was depicted
as a Black woman with an insatiable appetite for sex. She was not satisfied with
Black men. The slavery-era Jezebel, it was claimed, desired sexual relations
with White men; therefore, White men did not have to rape Black women. James
Redpath, an abolitionist no less, wrote that slave women were "gratified by the
criminal advances of Saxons." This view is contradicted by Frederick Douglass,
the abolitionist and former slave, who claimed that the "slave woman is at the
mercy of the fathers, sons or brothers of her master." Douglass's account is
consistent with the accounts of other former slaves. Henry Bibb's master forced
a young slave to be his son's concubine; later, Bibb and his wife were sold to a
Kentucky trader who forced Bibb's wife into prostitution. Slave women were
property; therefore, legally they could not be raped. Often slavers would offer
gifts or promises of reduced labor if the slave women would consent to sexual
relations, and there were instances where the slaver and slave shared sexual
attraction; however, "the rape of a female slave was probably the most common
form of interracial sex." A slave woman explained, "When he make me follow him
into de bush, what use me to tell him no? He have strength to make me." At the
same time, Black men convicted of raping White women were usually castrated,
hanged, or both.
People make decisions based on the options they have and the
options that they perceive. The objective realities of slavery and the slaves'
subjective interpretations of the institution both led female slaves to engage
"voluntarily" in sexual unions with Whites, especially slavers, their sons, and
their overseers. A slave who refused the sexual advances of her slaver risked
being sold, beaten, raped, and having her "husband" or children sold. Many slave
women conceded to sexual relations with Whites, thereby reinforcing the belief
that Black women were lustful and available.
The idea that Black women were
naturally and inevitably sexually promiscuous was reinforced by several features
of the slavery institution. Slaves, whether on the auction block or offered
privately for sale, were often stripped naked and physically examined. In
theory, this was done to insure that they were healthy, able to reproduce, and,
equally important, to look for whipping scars – the presence of which implied
that the slave was rebellious. In practice, the stripping and touching of slaves
had a sexually exploitative, sometimes sadistic function. Nakedness, especially
among women in the 18th and 19th centuries, implied lack of civility, morality,
and sexual restraint even when the nakedness was forced. Slaves, of both sexes
and all ages, often wore few clothes or clothes so ragged that their legs,
thighs, and chests were exposed. Conversely, Whites, especially women, wore
clothing over most of their bodies. The contrast between the clothing reinforced
the beliefs that White women were civilized, modest, and sexually pure, whereas
Black women were uncivilized, immodest, and sexually aberrant. The Jezebel
stereotype is contradicted by several historical facts. Although Black women,
especially those with brown or tan skin and "European features," were sometimes
forced into prostitution for White men, "slaves had no prostitution and very
little venereal disease within their communities." Slaves rarely chose spouses
from among their blood relatives. Slavers often encouraged, and sometimes
mandated, sexual promiscuity among their slaves; nevertheless, most slaves
sought long-term, monogamous relationships. Slaves "married" when allowed, and
adultery was frowned upon in most Black "communities." During Reconstruction
"slaves eagerly legitimated their unions, holding mass-marriage ceremonies and
individual weddings."
Unfortunately for Black women, Emancipation and
Reconstruction did not stop their sexual victimization. From the end of the
Civil War to the mid-1960s, no Southern White male was convicted of raping or
attempting to rape a Black woman; yet, the crime was common. Black women,
especially in the South or border states, had little legal recourse when raped
by White men, and many Black women were reluctant to report their sexual
victimization by Black men for fear that the Black men would be
lynched.
...The Jezebel images which defame African women may be viewed in
two broad categories: pathetic others and exotic others. Pathetic others include
those depictions of African women as physically unattractive, unintelligent, and
uncivilized. These images suggest that African women in particular and Black
women in general possess aberrant physical, social, and cultural traits. The
African woman's features are distorted – her lips are exaggerated, her breasts
sag, she is often inebriated. The pathetic other, like the Mammy caricature
before her, is drawn to refute the claim that White men find Black women
sexually appealing. Yet, this depiction of the African woman has an obvious
sexual component: she is often placed in a sexual setting, naked or near naked,
inebriated or holding a drink, her eyes suggesting a sexual longing. She is a
sexual being, but not one that White men would consider.
An analysis of Jezebel images also reveals that Black female children are
sexually objectified. Black girls, with the faces of pre-teenagers, are drawn
with adult sized buttocks, which are exposed. They are naked, scantily clad, or
hiding seductively behind towels, blankets, trees, or other objects. A 1949
postcard shows a naked Black girl hiding her genitals with a paper fan. Although
she has the appearance of a small child she has noticeable breasts. The
accompanying caption reads: "Honey, I'se Waitin' Fo' You Down South." The sexual
innuendo is obvious.
Black Jezebels in American Cinema
In the 1915 movie The
Birth of a Nation, Lydia Brown is a mulatto character. She is the mistress of
the White character Senator Stoneman. Lydia is savage, corrupt, and lascivious.
She is portrayed as overtly sexual, and she uses her "feminine wiles" to deceive
the formerly good White man. Lydia's characterization was rare in early American
cinema. There was a splattering of Black "loose women" and "fallen women" on the
big screen, but it would be another half century before the depiction of
cinematic Black women as sexually promiscuous would become commonplace. By the
1970s Black moviegoers had tired of cinematic portrayals of Blacks as Mammies,
Toms, Tragic Mulattoes, and Picaninnies. In the 1970s Blacks willingly, though
unwittingly, exchanged the old negative caricatures for new ones: Brutes, Bucks,
and Jezebels. These new caricatures were popularized by the two hundred mostly
B-grade films now labeled blaxploitation movies. These movies supposedly
depicted realistic Black experiences; however, many were produced and directed
by Whites. Daniel J. Leab, the movie historian, noted, "Whites packaged,
financed, and sold these films, and they received the bulk of the big money."
The world depicted in blaxploitation movies included corrupt police and
politicians, pimps, drug dealers, violent criminals, prostitutes, and whores. In
the main, these movies were low-budget, formulaic interpretations of Black life
by White producers, directors, and distributors. Black actors and actresses,
many unable to find work in mainstream movies, found work in blaxploitation
movies. Black patrons supported these movies because they showed Blacks fighting
the "White establishment," resisting police corruption, acting assertively, and
having sex lives. The film which ushered in the blaxploitation period was Sweet
Sweetback's Baadasssss Song (1971), written, directed, produced, and starred in
by Melvin Van Peebles. The story centers on Sweet, an amoral and hedonistic
hustler and pimp, who kills two White cops who were attacking a young Black
radical. He spends the rest of the movie on the lam, running from racist cops
and to pimps, gangsters, bikers, and whores. Sweet's "revolutionary
consciousness" is heightened because of his first hand experience with police
corruption, and by the movie's end he has become a heroic, almost mythical,
Black revolutionary. The film ended with the message: "A BAADASSSSS NIGGER IS
COMING BACK TO COLLECT SOME DUES." Sweet Sweetback's Baadasssss Song was
originally rated X. After decades of asexual and desexualized Black Tom
characters, Black audiences were ready for a sexually assertive Black male movie
character. Sweet was reared in a brothel. In one flashback scene, a ten-year-old
Sweet (played by Van Peeples' real life son, Mario) is graphically taught how to
make love by an older prostitute. Sweetback is slang for "large penis" and
"great lovemaking ability." Much of the movie centers on Sweet's lovemaking
abilities, and this movie helped promote the "Black sex machine"
characterization of Black men common in later movies. Sweet Sweetback's
Baadasssss Song also gave impetus to cinematic portrayals of Black women as
Jezebel whores. According to Donald Bogle, a film historian: With the
glamorization of the ghetto, however, came also the elevation of the
Pimp/outlaw/rebel as folk hero. Van Peeples played up this new sensibility, and
his film was the first to glorify the pimp. It failed, however, to explain the
social conditions that made the pimp such an important figure. At the same time,
the movie debased the black woman, depicting her as little more than a
whore.
The commercial success of Sweet Sweetback's Baadasssss Song inspired
many imitators. A formula for these "Black action" movies emerged: a justifiably
angry Black male seeks revenge on corrupt White police officers, politicians, or
drug dealers. In the process of extracting revenge his political consciousness
is raised and he has numerous sexual exploits. Although this formula was aided
by Van Peeples, a Black man, it served as the template for the Whites who wrote,
directed, and produced blaxploitation movies. The movies that followed Sweet
Sweetback's Baadasssss Song increasingly limited Black actresses to Jezebel type
roles. Lynn Hamilton, a Black actress, auditioned for the role of a "strong
Angela Davis type." At the beginning of the audition she was asked if she would
play nude scenes. She said of the role and character: "Here is this woman who
holds all kinds of academic degrees and has a high position opening the door
totally nude to admit her boyfriend, a policeman. The first thing he says is,
'Fix me some breakfast." She fries bacon, grease splattering, while her
boyfriend fondles her breasts and buttocks. Many Black women in these
blaxploitation movies functioned as "sexual fodder," legitimizing the street
credentials of the Black male superhero. Even when Black women were the central
characters of the movies, they were still portrayed as sexually aggressive,
often deviants. Black actresses such as Pam Grier and Tamara Dobson built their
acting careers starring in blaxploitation movies. Their characters resembled
those of the male superheroes: they were physically attractive and aggressive
rebels, willing and able to gain revenge against corrupt officials, drug
dealers, and violent criminals. According to Donald Bogle: Like the old-style
mammies, they ran not simply a household but a universe unto itself. Often they
were out to clean up the ghetto of drug pushers, protecting the black hearth and
home from corrupt infiltrators. Dobson and Grier represented Woman as Protector,
Nurturer, Communal Mother Surrogate. Yet, these women also had the look and
manner of old-style mulattoes. They were often perceived as being exotic sex
objects (Grier's raw sexuality was always exploited) – yet with a twist.
Although men manhandle them, Grier and Dobson also took liberties with men, at
times using them as playful, comic toys.
The portrayal of Black women as
sexually lascivious became commonplace in American movies. Grier, for example,
in Coffy (1973) and Foxy Brown (1974) goes undercover as a "whore" to get
revenge on Whites who have victimized her loved ones. In The Big Bird Cage
(1972), Carol Speed plays a spunky Black hooker inmate. The 1973 movie Black
Hooker is a movie about a "White" boy whose mother is an uncaring Black whore.
In the made-for-television movie, Dummy (1979), Irma Riley plays a Black
prostitute. Lisa Bonet, one of the daughters on the Cosby show, plays a voodoo
priestess in Angel Heart (1987). Her character, Epiphany Proudfoot, has a sexual
episode with Harry Angel (Mickey Rourke) that was so graphic that the movie
almost received an X rating. In Harlem Nights (1989), Sunshine (played by Lela
Rochon) is a prostitute so skilled that a White lover calls his wife on the
telephone to tell her that he is never returning home.
The obligatory "Black
whore" is added to urban-themed movies, apparently to give "real life"
authenticity. In the classic movie Taxi Driver (1976), a Black hooker (Copper
Cunningham) has sex with a White businessman in the backseat of the taxi driven
by Travis Bickle (Robert De Niro). The sex act is offered as evidence of the
moral decline and decadence of America. Bickle washes his taxi after the sex
act. Hazelle Goodman plays Cookie, a hooker in Woody Allen's Deconstructing
Harry (1997). When Cookie is asked if she knows what a black hole is, she
replies, "what I make my living with." In the credits listed for In Dangerous
Ground (1997), Temsie Times is listed as "Black Hooker." Cathy Tyson, the niece
of actress Cicely Tyson, got her first major role as a sophisticated call girl
in Mona Lisa (2001). The racial and sexual stereotypes depicted in these and
similar movies find their fuller, clearer expression in low-budget pornographic
movies.
The pornography industry remains a bastion of explicit anti-Black
stereotyping – raw, obscene, and increasing mainstreamed. Many of the
heterosexual themed movies in the American pornographic market have White
actresses; however, there are hundreds of pornographic movies that also depict
Black women as "sexual things" – and as "sexual animals." Internet "stores" sell
videos with titles like Black Chicks in Heat, Black Bitches, Hoochie Mamas,
Video Sto' Ho, Black and Nasty, South Central Hookers, and Git Yo' Ass On Da
Bus! In the privacy of their homes or hotel rooms, Americans can watch Black
actresses – Purple Passion, Jamaica, Toy, Chocolate Tye, Juicy, Jazz,
Spontaneeus Xtasy, and others – "validate" the belief that Black women are
whores.
Most of the Black actresses in mainstream movies who play Jezebel
roles – especially those with interracial sex scenes – are light skinned or
brown skinned women; however, most of the Black women in pornographic movies are
brown skinned and dark skinned women.

Halle Berry won an academy award for the role of
Leticia Musgrove in Monster's Ball (2001), a complex and haunting drama. Leticia
had a sexual relationship with Hank Grotowski (Billy Bob Thornton), a racist
jailer who supervised the execution of her husband. The link between Leticia's
Black husband's execution and her White lover was not revealed to her until the
movie's end, by then she and Hank were bonded together – self-loathers, angry,
defeated, drunk, grieving the loss of relatives, trying frantically to find
redemption, and failing that, someone to share the emotional pain. Their initial
sexual encounter followed a drunken lamentation of their failures as parents.
She lost her husband, and then her son was killed. His son committed suicide, in
his presence. Writhing in emotional pain, she begged, "Make me feel better."
There followed one of the rawest, most intense sexual scenes in American
cinematic history. Later, he gave her a truck. He named his new business
venture, a service station, Leticia. He readied a room in his home, moved his
racist father to a convalescent home, and after Leticia was evicted from her
home he moved her into his house.
The relationship between Hank and Leticia
was an updated version of the placage arrangements common in the 1800s. The
first night after she moved into his home they lie in bed. He said, "I'm gonna
take care of you." Leticia replied, "Good, 'cause I really need to be taken care
of." In a tender moment, he went to a store to get ice cream. While he was gone
she found evidence that he was involved in her husband's execution. She cried,
wailed, gripped with gut-wrenching pain. He returned. She had a dazed look. He
told her, "You look real pretty. Let's go out on the steps, if you want to." She
followed him. Outside, she accepted a spoon, stared at his son's tombstone, and
then accepted ice cream from his spoon. His last words were, "I think we gonna
be alright." Angela Bassett, nominated for an academy award in 1993 (Tina Turner
in What's Love Got To Do With It), rejected the role of Leticia. In an interview
with Newsweek, she said: "It's about character, darling. I wasn't going to be a
prostitute on film. I couldn't do that because it's such a stereotype about
black women and sexuality." Bassett's assessment was harsh and probably
overstated. Leticia was portrayed as a "loose woman:" drinking from a bottle,
slouched, legs open, later initiating sex with a man she barely knew. She ended
the movie as a "kept woman," not a prostitute – her status is a function of the
harsh realities of being a poor, Black woman in a society that devalues the
poor, the Black, and women. Bassett insisted that she was not criticizing Berry
so much as she was criticizing the Hollywood system for continuing to typecast
black women in demeaning roles. This was a reasonable criticism. Only a handful
of Black actresses and actors have won academy awards, and most won because they
brought depth and complexity to otherwise one-dimensional stereotypical roles:
Hattie McDaniel played a Mammy in Gone With the Wind (1939); Sidney Poitier
played a Tom, albeit a dignified one, in Lilies of the Field (1964), and Denzell
Washington was a rogue cop, a variant of the Brute in Training Day
(2000).

ConclusionThe Jezebel has replaced the Mammy as the dominant
image of Black women in American popular culture. The Black woman as prostitute,
for example, is a staple in mainstream movies, especially those with urban
settings. The Black prostitute and the Black pimp supposedly give these movies
cutting edge realism. Small budget pornographic movies reinforce vile sexual
stereotypes of Black women. These women are willing, sometimes predatory, sexual
deviants who will fulfill any and all sexual fantasies. Their sexual
performances tap into centuries-old images of Black women as uninhibited whores.
Televised music videos, especially those by gangsta rap performers, portray
scantily clad, nubile Black women who thrust their hips to lyrics which often
depict them as ‘hos, skeezers, and bitches. A half century after the American
civil rights movement, it is increasingly easy to find Black women, especially
young ones, depicted as Jezebels whose only value is as sexual commodities.
From: Dr. David Pilgrim, Professor of Sociology, Ferris State University.
July, 2002
For more on Jezebel, see:
http://www.ferris.edu/htmls/news/jimcrow/jezebel/
http://www.ferris.edu/htmls/news/jimcrow/jezebel/more/
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